July 10, 2008

Iranians, Egyptians, Turks: Contrasting Views on Sharia

In Egypt, 64% think Sharia must be the only source of legislation

by Magali Rheault and Dalia Mogahed

This article is the first in a series on views toward Sharia in Iran, Egypt, and Turkey.

WASHINGTON, D.C. -- The role of religion in the public sphere is one of the controversial debates taking place in many parts of the Muslim world. Sharia, the body of Islamic principles that guides a Muslim's life, lies at the center of such public discourse. This debate engages Muslim intellectuals and clergy living in the West as well. It is also occurring at a time when Western observers are expressing a growing interest in the Muslim world.

As an Islamic republic that applies Sharia to many aspects of the law, Iran provides a particularly relevant case to study public attitudes toward the role of religious law. Neighboring Turkey -- a parliamentary democracy whose secular character is spelled out in the national constitution -- offers a contrasting view. And Egypt, where strong presidential rule is in place but where religious parties have made a strong showing in recent elections, provides another important point of comparison. As such, these countries represent not only three different models of governments, but they also symbolize three different scenarios of public acceptance toward the role of Sharia in national law.

In Iran, a majority of residents tell Gallup that Sharia must be a source of legislation, but not the only source. In Turkey, poll findings show how divided the Turkish public is about the role of Sharia in legislation. In Egypt, however, public opinion is much more likely to favor religious law as the only source of legislation.

Men, Women, and Sharia

It is often assumed that women oppose religious law, but the poll findings reveal that men and women express strikingly similar views within each country on the role of Sharia in legislation.

In Iran, majorities of men (62%) and women (64%) tell Gallup that Sharia must be a source of legislation, but not the only source. Identical percentages of men and women (14%) think it must be the only source of legislation, and fewer than 2 in 10 men and just 1 in 10 women think it should not be a source of legislation.

Egyptians' views about the role of Sharia contrast dramatically with those of Iranians. Almost two-thirds (64%) of Egyptian men and women say Sharia must be the only source of legislation, while about one-quarter (24%) of men and women think it must be one of the sources. Few Egyptians, 3% of men and 2% of women, say it should not be a source of national law.

Poll findings in Turkey show how divided the Turkish public is about the role of Islam in the public sphere. Forty-one percent of men and women think religious law should not be a source of legislation. About one-quarter of respondents (27% of men and 24% of women) think Sharia must be one of the sources of legislation, and fewer than 1 in 10 respondents (8% of men and 6% of women) say it must be the only source. However, many in Turkish society did not offer an opinion about the role of religious law: 24% of Turkish men and 29% of Turkish women say they don't know or refused to answer.

Sharia Across the Generations

Overall, older respondents are more likely than younger ones to say Sharia must be the only source of legislation (although this pattern is weaker in Turkey than in Iran and Egypt).

When asked about the role of religious law in Iran, 22% of older Iranians (aged 46 and older) say Sharia must be the only source of legislation, compared with 12% of younger Iranians (15- to 29-year-olds) who say the same. Additionally, about two-thirds of younger Iranians say Sharia must be one of the sources of legislation. Regardless of age, similar percentages (between 11% and 15% of respondents) think Sharia should not be a source of legislation.

In Egypt, older respondents (72%) are far more likely than younger ones (57%) to say that Sharia must be the only source of legislation. Further, older Egyptians (15%) are twice as less likely as younger ones (30%) to say religious law must be a source of legislation, but not the only source. Identical percentages (3%), irrespective of age, say Sharia should not be a source of legislation.

Older Turks (12%) are slightly more likely than younger Turks (6%) are to say that religious law must be the only source of legislation. But similar percentages of Turks (roughly one-quarter), regardless of age, say Sharia must be one of the sources, but not the only source. Additionally, about one-quarter of younger Turks and almost one-third of older Turks say they don't know or refused to answer.

Education and Sharia

In Turkey and Iran, those who have a secondary level of education are less likely than those with a primary level of education or less to say Sharia must be the only source of legislation. There is no difference by education level in Egypt. Sample sizes for those who have achieved higher levels of education are too small to report.

Almost one-quarter of Iranians (23%) with a primary education or less and 13% of those who have completed secondary education think Sharia must be the only source of legislation. Regardless of education, similar percentages (about 1 in 10) think Sharia should not be a source of legislation. But Iranians with a secondary education are much more likely than those with lower levels of education to say that religious law must be a source of legislation, but not the only source. Also, 20% of those with a primary education or less say they don't know or refused to answer.

Strong majorities in Egypt, irrespective of the educational level attained, think Sharia must be the only source of legislation. Also, regardless of education, few Egyptians (4% or less) say religious law should not be a source of legislation. But those who have completed a secondary level of education (27%) are twice as likely as less educated Egyptians (13%) to say Sharia should be a source, but not the only source of legislation.

In Turkey, opinions about the role of Sharia span the educational divide, but those with lower levels of education exhibit more ambivalence. Thirty-four percent Turks with a primary education or less and 22% of those with a secondary education say they don't know or refused to answer. Twelve percent of Turks who have a primary level of education or less compared with 4% of Turks who have completed the secondary level say religious law must be the only source of legislation. Regardless of the educational level attained, similar percentages (about a quarter), of Turks say Sharia must be one of the sources of legislation. Additionally, those with a secondary education are much more likely than those with a lower education to say that Sharia should not be a source of legislation.

The significance of religion provides important context to understand the influence of Sharia in all three countries. In Iran, 73% of men and 78% of women say religion plays an important role in their lives, and in Egypt, virtually all men (98%) and women (99%) say the same. But even in staunchly secular Turkey, religion looms large for most individuals. Seventy-four percent of Turkish men and 72% of Turkish women tell Gallup that religion plays an important role in their lives. For many Muslims, the combination of the importance of religion and the divine foundations of Islamic religious law give Sharia legitimacy to provide checks and balances on a government's powers.

Ever since the Islamic Revolution of 1979, religion has been an intrinsic part of Iran's symbolism and identity, which may explain why strong majorities of men and women express favorability toward the reliance of Sharia in the public domain. In Egypt, where the Muslim Brotherhood has gained much political clout in recent years, favorable dispositions toward the influence of Sharia are even higher than those observed in Iran. Such a finding may suggest that Egyptians view Sharia as an alternative to the current legal system, which uses elements of European civil law and religious law. In light of Turkey's expressly secular constitution, it is perhaps not surprising to observe that public opinion on the Sharia issue is relatively low when compared with Egypt and Iran. Nevertheless, the large percentages of "don't know" and "refused to answer" indicate much ambivalence about the role of Sharia in Turkish public life.

Overall, the poll findings show that within each country, men and women hold similar views about Sharia. Furthermore, regardless of age or education, majorities of Iranians and Egyptians say that religious law must play at least some role in legislation. Iranians, Egyptians, and even many Turks believe religion and government can be integrated.

Survey Methods

Results are based on face-to-face interviews with 1,004 adults, aged 15 and older, in Iran in June-July 2007. In Egypt, results are based on face-to-face interviews with 1,024 adults, aged 15 and older, in July 2007. In Turkey, results are based on face-to-face interviews with 1,001 adults, aged 15 and older, in May 2007. For results based on the total sample of national adults, one can say with 95% confidence that the maximum margin of sampling error is ±3 percentage points. In addition to sampling error, question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of public opinion polls.